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The COVID-19 pandemic has affected the confidence and selfesteem of youth with disabilities
(Gifted Community Centre (GCC), 2021) Musau Susan; Jeremiah Murithi; Titus Masila
In June 2020, 6,366 confirmed cases of COVID-19 led to the first government response. This included limiting movement in places with reported cases, closure of public spaces with high human traffic, such as schools and public events, introduction of dusk-to-dawn curfews, and ensuring basic hygiene and social distancing. Many of the current protection measures, especially around transport and social distancing, make usual means of support and independence risky and challenging to access for youth with disabilities. Some persons with disabilities cannot practice social distancing due to their support needs. Access to information about COVID-19 is often not accessible for persons with disabilities. Though several reports have been published, little research has primarily focused on the impact of COVID-19 on youth with disabilities in Kenya. The studies instead have focused on persons with disabilities in general.
Regional Intergovernmental Organizations to Conflict Prevention and Resolution: The Case of the African Union in the Nile River Conflict
(Scientific Research Publishing Inc., 2023-01-31) Musau Susan
International intergovernmental organizations play various roles, including settling conflicts, promoting peaceful coexistence, cooperation among member states, human rights, and economic and social development. Regional intergovernmental organizations that act as a last resort are better suited to prevent and resolve conflicts at a region level due to their regional positioning, knowledge, and understanding of the root causes, ability to influence and facilitate conflict settlement, and their legitimacy standing. This paper aimed to explore the role of regional intergovernmental organizations in conflict prevention and resolution with the case of the African Union (AU) in the Nile River conflict. Specifically, the paper looked at factors for and against conflict prevention in the Nile, the AU’s role as a regional intergovernmental organization in preventing and resolving conflict in the Nile River conflict, and the role of non-state actors, IGOs, and UN’s Security Council in enhancing AU’s role in conflict prevention and resolution. The paper deployed a qualitative case study methodology with 20 structured interviews, open questionnaires, and secondary sources to examine the phenomenon. Consequently, the study used an analytical category development matrix to develop meaningful emerging themes from the data collected. The findings and analysis showed various factors hindering AU’s full operationalization in the Nile River conflict, including the African states’ ideology (imported democracy) with sub-factors such as colonial factors, external influence, African politics and leadership, and self-interests. Further, the Nile states have different interests that require a joint solution that caters to each party’s interests, with compromise in consideration. As a regional organization, the AU is well positioned to prevent and resolve the Nile River conflict (what the researcher termed as an Afri-Nile solution). Additionally, the international intergovernmental organizations and non-state actors can enhance the AU’s role through collaboration and cooperation (the researcher termed Cop-Lab). The study supported realism and liberalism theories that explained the Nile states’ rift and the potential for conflict resolution from a regional perspective. However, what works in Africa may be inapplicable in other regions and, therefore, essential to approach regional organizations per context.
From Treaty to MOUs: Analysis of the Eventuality of the 2018 Ethiopia-Eritrea Peace Agreement
(Scientific Research Publishing Inc., 2021-05-08) Musau Susan
This paper analyses the 2018 Ethiopia-Eritrea Peace Agreement, whether it is a memorandum of understanding (MOU) or a treaty, highlighting factors leading to the conflict and the peace agreement. It also highlights the previous
peace accords and why even after the Agreements, the tensions remain/ed high. Most Peace Agreements are either MOU or Treaty. MOUs are non-legally binding, while treaties are legally binding. Unfortunately, there is no consensus on what constitutes a treaty or memorandum of understanding. However, the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties guides on treaties formulation. This paper deployed in-depth desk review research, text analysis and interpretation, and official documents. In its theoretical and methodological approach, the paper adopted an interdisciplinary approach to understanding the eventuality of the 2018 Peace Agreement. In its analysis and findings, the paper found out that the 2018 Peace Agreement was an MOU. It also found out that the conflict is not only political and religious but also emotional, cognitive, and behavioral. The failure of arbitration and the Algiers Agreement, which were legally binding, prompted the parties to enter into the 2018 non-legally binding Peace Agreement. The previous dispute resolution mechanisms lacked a provision on enforcement mechanism and consequences of the breach, while the 2018 Peace Agreement specifies this provision. The prior Agreements also lacked political goodwill to implement the Commission’s Boundary Report. However, the 2018 Peace Agreement sets the enforcement mechanism. The paper, thus, concludes that MOUs, which are primarily for political and economic interests, unlike treaties which are for legal claims, have high chances of success for settling conflict and restoring peace. Due to the recent nature of the 2018 Peace Agreement, there is limited to no research on its progress, a potential area for future research.
The Horn of Conflict: Inside Ethiopia‘s Democracy
(International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science (IJRISS), 2021-07) Musau Susan
The Horn of conflict? The Horn of Africa comprises Ethiopia, Djibouti, Eritrea, Sudan, South Sudan, and Somalia, and by extension, Kenya and Uganda. The region is diverse in terms of geography, culture, religion, population, and politics. The region is known as a hotbed of conflicts due to its resource to cross-border to communal conflicts. The realist theoretical approach hold that states operate in a state of anarchy. They are after their self-interest and survival in the international system. This survival leads to a security dilemma. States will do what they can to secure their own security, which induces fear in others who, in turn, increase theirs. Ethiopia, the second-most populous country in Africa, is entrapped into different conflicts: interstate and cross-border conflict with Eritrea, conflict with Tigray People’s Liberation Front, and Nile water conflict with Egypt. Why is Ethiopia entrapped into these conflicts? What is the role of the leaders/political parties in these conflicts? What are the reasons behind these conflicts? How can Ethiopia settle these conflicts? In all these conflicts, survival is Ethiopia’s quest. This paper aims to respond to these questions using an interdisciplinary approach. Ethiopia is well placed to utilize the regional mechanisms to settle these conflicts. Otherwise, it will be a ground for complex conflicts that will spill over to other countries.
Scramble of the 21st Century Horn:The Spillover Effect of Unstable Horn of Africa. HORN International Institute for Strategic Studies,
(The Horn Bulletin, 2023-08) Musau Susan
The Horn of Africa is a multifaceted sub-region of Africa, characterized by external and internal rivalries, drought, territorial conflicts, and diverse civilizations. It serves as a trading hub and hosts peacekeeping missions and intergovernmental organizations such as the African Union and Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD). The region attracts foreign powers, leading to persistent security dilemmas. Domination by individual states affects civilians, resulting in recurring interstate and intrastate conflicts. This article discusses the source of conflicts in the region, including the Nile River conflict, where colonialism and control over the Nile have been factors. The author explores conflict dynamics in Ethiopia, a country never colonized, faced conflicts with Eritrea and Somalia, including the fight against Al-Shabaab and Djibouti, a key ally of Ethiopia, which experienced conflicts with Eritrea over border disputes, impacted by sanctions and historical injustices. The author argues that in order to stabilize the Horn of Africa region, the countries should unite under regional organizations, foster trust through compromise and acceptance of history, and prioritize people-led democracy. In addition, the author notes that supporting IGAD in addressing drought and famine is crucial, and a historical perspective in conflict resolution can address underlying colonialism-related issues.